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This book is a revisionist account of Samuel’s State and the legendary struggle between Samuel Cometopoulos and Basil II (10th-11th century). It goes beyond the standard approach to the study of state formation, presenting an entirely new analytical framework which interrogates how contemporaries in the Balkans at different times, ranging from the Byzantine and Balkan elites of the medieval centuries to later voices in the early modern and modern periods, have represented Samuel’s polity in the service of their own political agendas and territorial aspirations towards Macedonia. The wide-ranging relationship between culture, identity and power are addressed, making use not just of Balkan literary and artistic traditions but on writings from across the Slavic world and western political and intellectual contexts. Demonstrating the conflicted legacy of the Samuel’s State in the Balkans, Mitko B. Panov questions established scholarly opinion and offers new interpretations that reconsider its place in Byzantine and Balkan history and imagination.
Athanasios Souliotis-Nikolaidis (1878–1945) was a Greek military officer, undercover agent, author, and politician who in Greece today is not as well-known as he should be. Inasmuch as he is remembered at all today, Souliotis-Nikolaidis is associated with the much better-known Ion Dragoumis, with whom he was connected through bonds of friendship and ideology. In Athanasios Souliotis-Nikolaidis and Greek Irredentism: A Life in the Shadows, John Athanasios Mazisexamines the subject's contribution to Greece's irredentist activities of the early twentieth century, and answers some key questions: What were Souliotis-Nikolaidis's achievements as an undercover agent in Ottoman Macedonia? What was his behind-the-scenes role in the early elections of the Ottoman Empire, following the Young Turk Revolt? What was his relationship with important individuals and organizations of the Greek Diaspora? What was his contribution to the unique idea about the future of Greeks and Turks in a unified federal state? In this book, Mazis reveals that Souliotis-Nikolaidis, far from being a minor player in Greek irredentism, was an important actor whose many contributions deserve recognition.
Every Greek and every friend of the country knows the date 1821, when the banner of revolution was raised against the empire of the Ottoman Turks, and the story of 'Modern Greece' is usually said to begin. Less well known, but of even greater importance, was the international recognition given to Greece as an independent state with full sovereign rights, as early as 1830. This places Greece in the vanguard among the new nation-states of Europe whose emergence would gather momentum through to the early twentieth century, a process whose repercussions continue to this day. Starting out from that perspective, which has been all but ignored until now, this book brings together the work of schola...
Every Greek and every friend of the country knows the date 1821, when the banner of revolution was raised against the empire of the Ottoman Turks, and the story of 'Modern Greece' is usually said to begin. Less well known, but of even greater importance, was the international recognition given to Greece as an independent state with full sovereign rights, as early as 1830. This places Greece in the vanguard among the new nation-states of Europe whose emergence would gather momentum through to the early twentieth century, a process whose repercussions continue to this day. Starting out from that perspective, which has been all but ignored until now, this book brings together the work of schola...
During the tumultuous age of empire, Ottoman Macedonia became a blank canvas onto which Great Powers and neighboring states projected their aspirations, grievances, ambitions, and state-building endeavors. This manuscript aims to elucidate these constructs and imaginaries, employing a theoretical framework encompassing entangled history, post-colonial theory, and subaltern studies. It will examine both (inter)state and local examples to shed light on the multifaceted nature of this complex issue.
With the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and a pending NATO membership bid, an old conflict between Greece and Macedonia has taken on added significance for the international community. Greece has vehemently argued, particularly in the West, that the name Macedonia was in fact Greek and that its use by this new nation in the Balkans portended Macedonia's expansionist ambitions. The Macedonians bitterly disputed this, noting that Alexander the Great was a Macedonian, and adducing many other fascinating and rational arguments. Tensions were said to have been reduced by an interim agreement between the two countries, but the attempted assassination of Macedonian president Kiro Gligorov in October 1995 has again heightened hostility in the area. The genesis of the conflict is detailed here, as well as the modern day events that have led many observers to believe that the area is a flashpoint for a major war, greater than that in Bosnia.
Drawing from a wide range of archival and secondary Greek, Bulgarian, Ottoman, and Turkish sources, Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece, 1821-1940 explores the way in which the Muslim populations of Greece were ruled by state authorities from the time of Greece's political emancipation from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s until the country's entrance into the Second World War, in October 1940. The book examines how state rule influenced the development of the Muslim population's collective identity as a minority and affected Muslim relations with the Greek authorities and Orthodox Christians. Greece was the first country in the Balkans to become an independent state and a pioneer in exper...
During the twentieth century Macedonia had a very turbulent history. Essentially, the region became the apple of discord among the Balkan states. Ethnic identity formation among immigrants from Macedonia to Canada followed the political developments in the Balkans. This book illustrates the late emergence of an ethnic Macedonian community in Toronto and the roots of the clash between the Macedonian, Greek and Bulgarian ethnic communities. The author tackles a number of important questions: When did the Macedonian ethnic identity start in Canada? What was the ethnic affiliation of the first Macedonian immigrants' cultural organizations and churches in Toronto? Why did they use the Bulgarian l...
Postwar Beirut conjures up contradictory images of remarkable openness and inconceivable violence, of great antiquity and a bright future. The Lebanese capital stands for Arab cosmopolitanism and cultural effervescence but also for its tragedies of destruction. This book examines the historical formation of Beirut as a multiply contested Mediterranean city. Fin de Siècle Beirut is a landmark contribution to the growing literature in Ottoman studies, in Arab cultural history and on Mediterranean cities. Combining urban theory, particularly Henri Lefebvre's work on cities and capitalism, with postcolonial methodology, the central thesis of this book is that modern Beirut is the outcome of per...
After the proclamation of the Truman Doctrine in 1947, the United States became deeply involved in Greek affairs. By 1952, however, the pro-Western government of Marshal Papagos began to support the nationalist 'Enosis' movement in Cyprus and called for an end to British colonial rule in the island. The opposition of the US, Britain and Turkey to these demands brought Greece face-to-face with its closest allies at the United Nations in 1954 and led to the outbreak of the first major crisis within NATO since its creation. Greece and the Cold War examines these developments from the novel perspective of critical international theory and exposes the unexplored connections between dependence and...