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In Histories of Independence in Côte d’Ivoire: an Ethnography of the Past, Konstanze N’Guessan deals with memory work in Côte d’Ivoire and bridges an ethnographic approach with the insights of newer theoretical approaches in historiography. Adopting a long-term perspective from the late 1950s to the present, she attempts to disentangle the condensation of meanings of the lieu de mémoire “Ivorian independence” and explores how different practices of recalling the past complement and/or contradict each other. Histories of independence in Côte d’Ivoire looks at national-day celebrations, academic historiography, oral tradition and memory politics in order to understand how (political) actors mobilize the past in order to produce pleasant presents and futures.
«It is better one man dies than the whole nation perishes» (Jn 11: 50). Caiaphas' sentence goes beyond ethical principles and religious expectations. It appears as the saying of a cynic politician. Besides, it is seen as the perfidious advice of a corrupted high priest to the members of the Sanhedrin. Who is this man on whose saying a school is formed? Who is this man who played the most important role in the death of Jesus? Indeed Caiaphas' sentence gives rise to the following relevant question: is the prohibition of killing (Dt. 5: 17), even the killing of a single individual in order to save a whole nation, legitimate? Thus, many issues that are associated with this high priest are associated with Jesus. The book is mainly an exegetical and comparative analysis of Jn 11: 45-54 and the Akan myth of the crossing of the river. By providing new theological insights into Caiaphas link to Jesus' death, it gives pertinent answers to the above questions.
This fully revised directory of international foundations, trusts, charitable and grantmaking NGOs and other similar non-profit institutions provides a comprehensive picture of foundation activity on a worldwide scale. Now in its 32nd edition, The Europa International Foundation Directory includes: Information on some 2,700 organizations, organized by country or territory, including details of funding priorities and projects, geographical area of activity, principal staff and contact details Details of co-ordinating bodies and centres that assist foundations, grantmaking organizations and other NGOs Bibliography Comprehensive index section This new edition has been revised and expanded to include the most comprehensive and up-to-date information on this growing sector.
This study sheds light on the current state of history education in Africa and reflects on its potential to prepare this continent’s learners for the challenges of "learning to live together". Drawing on an examination of school curricula and the experiences of educational stakeholders, it identifies trends in the processes and outcomes of recent curricular revisions, and discerns key challenges relating to the teaching and learning of history across Africa. It scrutinises the place afforded to history within African education systems, and surveys related contents and pedagogies. While it identifies African history as a fundamental yet sensitive and controversial subject, it also illustrates examples of present-day curricular strategies to integrating a concern for promoting a "culture of peace".
Two of the most ambitious religious edifices of the 20th century are the Our Lady of Peace Basilica in the West African country of the Ivory Coast and the Hassan II Mosque in Morocco. Nnamdi Elleh not only provides a substantial architectural and pictorial analysis of the buildings themselves. Using these two buildings as case studies, he also investigates questions of national memory, urban form, architectural styles, concepts of democracy, social hierarchies as well as the elites who make the decisions to build Africa's post-independence monuments and capital cities. His book is an exciting synthesis of theoretical and empirical analysis that is bound to stimulate debate about the form and content of post-colonial identities in Africa.
The end of the twentieth century, which was marked by multiparty democracy in Eastern European entities and Third World countries, moved Cte dIvoire to adhere to the new democratization system in 1990. Nine years later, the territory registered its first bloodless state coup. On September 19, 2002, the country was shared into two parts with human losses and damages when President Gbagbo was on official visit to Italy. After different attempts in negotiations (Linas-Marcoussis (2003), Pretoria agreement (2005), and the Political Agreement of Ouagadougou (2007)), for some protagonists, international organizations and NGOs, the perfect conflict resolution was about running elections so that the...
With the coup d???etat of 24 December 1999 and the politico-military conflict that started on 19 September 2002, C??te d???Ivoire broke with its tradition of political stability, which had served as a model in the West African sub-region. It is now facing an unprecedented crisis that is not only jeopardizing the continuity of the state, but has also introduced a culture of violence into the society. This study has three objectives. The primary one is to understand the nature of this socio-political crisis, and what is at stake in it. Secondly, the study examines the issue of ivoirit??. Finally, it explores the escalation of violence in this socio-political crisis and the catalogue of justifications for that violence.It is argued that the recurrence of military coups d???etat in C??te d???Ivoire signifies the delegitimization of the modes of regulation built on the tontine system, and calls for a renewal of the political grammar and socio-political regulatory modalities around integrating principles that have yet to be devised.
This document is the result of a field study conducted by a multidisciplinary group of men and women whose common point is the profound engagement to Côte d'Ivoire, the requirement for objectivity and the commitment to justice. This group is called "Group of Patriotic Investigators." The collective work of this group has been made under the supervision of Bi Gaha Loùkou, Tata Kôkôtrè and Océane Siloué. The nature of the facts observed and reported in this paper on the Ivorian political landscape has often required the investigators to get into the skin of the leaders, officials, members, and supporters of the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) in particular, but also of the citizens supposedly close to ex-President Laurent Gbagbo in general. Those are the expiatory victims of a policy of ethnic cleansing. The main actors of this landscape are the National Congress of the Resistance and Democracy (CNRD) and the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) on one hand, and the Rally of Houphouetists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP including the RDR and PDCI as main actors) on the other.
This book challenges previous assumptions about institutions, social capital, and the nature of the African state by investigating the history of political and economic change in villages on either side of the Ghana-Cote d'Ivoire border. Prior to European colonial rule, these Akan villages had very similar political and cultural institutions. By the late 1990s, however, Lauren M. MacLean found puzzling differences in the informal institutions of reciprocity and indigenous notions of citizenship. MacLean argues that divergent histories of state formation not only shape how villagers help each other but also influence how local groups and communities define citizenship and then choose to engage with the state on an everyday basis. She examines the historical construction of the state role in mediating risk at the local level across three policy areas: political administration, social service delivery, and agriculture.
This study brings Africa into the mainstream of studies of state-formation in agrarian societies. Territorial integration is the challenge: institutional linkages and political deals that bind center and periphery are the solutions. In African countries, rulers at the center are forced to bargain with regional elites to establish stable mechanisms of rule and taxation. Variation in regional forms of social organization make for differences in the interests and political strength of regional leaders who seek to maintain or enhance their power vis-a-vis their followers and subjects, and also vis-a-vis the center.