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This book has a dual focus: on how four countries use voluntary non-profit organizations to provide services to the physically, mentally, and sensorially handicapped; and on the changing role of the voluntary, or "third," sector in welfare states. At the same time, it is also a comparative study of privatization in the special sense of using nongovernmental organizations to implement public policy. Most comparative studies of the welfare state have neglected this form of "indirect public administration" because researchers have usually conceived of government as monolithic and consequently overlook the frequent separation of financing from the delivery of public services.
Across Europe, millions of immigrants, refugees, and asylum-seekers have often had difficulties fitting into their new societies. Most analysts have laid the blame on a clash of cultures. Becoming Europe provides evidence that institutions matter more than culture in determining the shape of ethnic relations.Patrick Ireland argues that it is incorrect blithely to anticipate unavoidable conflict between Muslim immigrants and European host societies. Noting similarities in the structure of the welfare states in Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium—as well as in their respective North African and Turkish immigrant communities—he compares national- and city-level developments to show how approaches toward immigrant settlement have diverged widely and evolved over time. Becoming Europe demonstrates how policymakers have worked hard to balance immigrants' claims to distinct traditions with demands for equal treatment. Ultimately, it reveals a picture of people learning by doing in the day-to-day activities that shape how communities come together and break apart.
Domestic and caregiving work has been at the core of human existence throughout history. Poorly paid or even unpaid, this work has been assigned to women in most societes and occasionally to men often as enslaved, indentures, "adopted" workers. While some use domestic service as training for their own future independent households, others are confined to it for life and try to avoid damage to their identities (Part One). Employment conditions are even worse in colonizer-colonized dichotomies, in which the subalternized have to run the households of administrators who believe they are running an empire (Part Two). Societies and states set the discriminatory rules, those employed develop strat...
Published research in English is reviewed on the Nonprofit Sector (NPS) in mainland China since Mao’s death in 1976. A large, diverse, and rapidly growing NPS exists, but openly political Nonprofit Organizations (NPOs) outside the Communist Party and its control are prohibited. China has civil society in the narrower sense: a substantial civil society sector or NPS exists. However, the party-state in China continues to play a dominating role in regard to the NPS, especially for registered NPOs. Freedom of association is still limited in China, especially for national associations, which are nearly all Government Organized Nongovernmental Organizations (GONGOs), not genuine NGOs/NPOs. The broader scope definition of civil society focuses on functioning civil liberties, and the ability of NPOs in general to influence significantly the government on various policy issues. In these terms, China has a weak but slowly emerging civil society with far more associational freedom than under Mao.
Same time, the glaring systemic deficiencies of extant welfare systems-and the psychological toll of welfare dependency--became increasingly apparent, even to welfare's supporters.
The voluntary and non-profit sector is an important and emerging feature of Japanese society. It is a response both to the changing nature of this society and to political and social trends that have encouraged the Japanese government to see this sector as a potential provider of public services. It is also part of the emergence of 'civil society' in Japan. This book explores the roots of the societal challenges that voluntary and non-profit organisations face in Japan and evaluates their future impact on Japanese society. Containing contributions from leading researchers, internationally as well as from key practitioners from Japan, this book is essential reading for any student of Japanese studies or the international non-profit sector.
Giugni and Passy (both: political science, U. of Geneva), along with contributors, explore the political ramifications of solidarity movements, which defy traditional explanations of political actors as fundamentally self-interested. Using country-specific studies form France, the United States, Germany, Great Britain, and Switzerland, they look at the growing internationalization of such movements, the interactions between movements and states, the moral vs. self-interest components of movements, and the consequences of such movements. Annotation copyrighted by Book News Inc., Portland, OR
While most observers have equated privatization with a conservative assault on the welfare state, Claire F. Ullman demonstrates that such was not the case in France. There, delegation to nonprofits was motivated by the desire to increase the state's ability to achieve progressive social goals, including enabling welfare programs to reach more of the disadvantaged. Elites sought to recruit nonprofit organizations as partners not to roll back the state, but to bolster and extend its power. Ullman suggests that the western welfare state's new reliance on nonprofit organizations should be re-evaluated in light of the French case.